Wednesday, February 13, 2008

CHARTER SCHOOLS: WRONG QUESTIONS, FAUX SOLUTIONS

 

There’s much yet to learn about privately operated public schools; we needn’t be so polarized about them.

By Jeffrey R. Henig | BLOWBACK | LA Times Online
-

February 13, 2008 - Informed dialogue about the proper role of charter schools and traditional public schools — and what each can and can't best offer — is a good thing. But last week's Op-Ed by Eli Broad and the response by Cal Poly Pomona professors Walter P. Coombs and Ralph E. Shaffer keep us stuck in our separate silos.
By looking more carefully and thoughtfully at what we know and do not yet know from research about charter schools, we can find other answers that may actually bring us together. The charter school debate is often painted as one best addressed with either-or questions and quick answers.

When The Times solicits comments to Coombs' and Shaffer's Blowback by asking readers, "Do charter schools provide a sure-fire recipe for success, or exacerbate LAUSD's performance problems?" public dialogue is shoehorned into black-and-white thinking, and people find themselves in fiercely opposing camps.

In fact, research on school choice has gradually converged on a number of widely accepted findings. This quiet consensus shows how solid research can bridge partisan cleavages and sensational headlines. Among those findings, for example, are the fact that some charter schools are very good while others are very bad, and the fact that it can matter how chartering policies are designed and carried out.

But even more troubling than artificially polarized thinking are claims that both sides make that go well beyond what the current evidence supports.

Unfortunately, Broad takes what he says are characteristics of successful charter schools and, without evidence, insists that these are things that only charter schools can do. With the possible exception of his "small central office" point, there are also good traditional public schools that can and do measure up. And there are some oversight and program management functions that charter groups don't have to do because the district or the chartering authority is doing them.

Coombs and Shaffer raise an important issue about selection bias: Are test scores for Green Dot, the Knowledge is Power Program and other charter groups better because they effectively screen out some students either at the intake stage or later, thereby discouraging some from returning? But Coombs and Shaffer present what is essentially their hypothesis as if it were instead an established fact.

In my book "Spin Cycle," I argue for a bit more humility in recognizing that our knowledge of the success of charter schools is still incomplete and that things continue to change over time. One glance at one report today is not enough for insight that will enlighten policymakers and better inform the public about charter schools.
Recognizing that there is much we still don't know does not mean we must sit on our hands until better data come in. Parents want better schools now, and responsible political and educational leaders want and need to respond. While I have concerns about how the charter school movement may ultimately evolve, I think that overall and to date, it has provided a useful shot in the arm for a range of public school systems across the United States

But neither side of the debate does readers a favor by posing the issues as if the facts are clear at this point. That sticks the label of uninformed ideologue on an opponent who may have reasonable and legitimate concerns. Making policy in the face of uncertainty requires judgment, discretion and an ongoing commitment to collecting and reassessing information. Our polarized way of thinking about charter schools need not trap us, however. If we start to take a more thorough, long-term and nuanced look at the research, we can find answers that bring us together in ways that could result in increasing public understanding and better informing sound public policy.


Jeffrey R. Henig, a professor of political science and education at Columbia University's Teachers College, is the author of "Spin Cycle: How Research Is Used in Policy Debates, The Case of Charter Schools" (copublished by the Russell Sage Foundation and The Century Foundation, February 2008).

3 from LA Business Journal Real Estate Quarterly: MAKING THE GRADE + BELMONT, AMBASSADOR TEACH HARD LESSON + LAUSD HIGH-WIRE ACT WITH ARTS HIGH SCHOOL


Real Estate Quarterly: MAKING THE GRADE
by Daniel Miller | Los Angeles Business Journal Staff

1/28/2008 - It's bigger than Boston's $14.6 billion Big Dig and dwarfs the potential $5
billion westward expansion of the Metropolitan Transportation Authority's
subway down Wilshire Boulevard.

It's the
Los Angeles Unified School District's $20 billion school building
program - by some measures the most expensive municipal project in the
country's history. The district is constructing 132 schools, renovating
hundreds more and adding a total of 180,000 classroom seats.

Funded by four bond measures, the seven-year-old construction project is in
full tilt. And it's pumping money and business into the local economy at a
time when the area needs it, with construction not expected to wrap up until
2012.

"This was really a chance for
L.A. to deal with its most important
infrastructure need, which was quality education facilities," said Ron
Bagel, the facilities services division's director of real estate.

When the program is complete, the district will have grown from 878 schools
to 1,010, and hundreds of thousands of students will be out of bungalows and
returned to traditional two-semester schedules, no longer having to take
classes in the summer.

Most importantly, the district's worst and most overcrowded schools will
have first-class facilities, something educators believe is critical to the
district's long-term efforts to improve student performance.

But the plan is not without hiccups.

Some critics contend the district has moved too fast with its construction
program, creating giant warehouse schools in a headlong rush to complete
projects.

More threatening, a staggering rise in construction costs has forced LAUSD
to curtail the program from three years ago, when 160 new schools were
envisioned. It turns out $20 billion may not be enough when demand for steel
and other raw materials from emerging economies such as China has run
construction costs up 150 percent to $500 per foot.

In recent months, the district has "unfunded" 18 schools, cancelled
expansions at some existing sites and decided to downsize others across the
city. Just last week five more planned schools were downsized. One potential
saving grace: The district has seen an unexpected 7 percent decline in
enrollment since 2003 that might lessen some of the need.

"We are still concerned about funding," said Edwin Van Ginkel, senior
development manager of new construction for the district. "We don't know if
we've seen the peak in the marketplace. We don't know if we've stabilized."

Big benefits

Despite the growing pains, the landmark project likely couldn't come at a
better time: The average school in the district, the nation's largest behind
New York City, is about 50 years old. Many of the buildings are not only
outdated but downright shabby.

"When those bathrooms are in bad shape and when there is no grass and the
lights don't work and it's cold, the message is: 'We don't care about you,'"
said Steve Soboroff, president of Playa Vista Capital Co., which is
developing the Playa Vista community where the district is building a K-8
school.

But while the primary goals of the building program are obviously academic,
the project could provide a boost to the flailing real estate economy, which
has been hit hard on the residential side amid signs the slowdown is moving
into the commercial sector.

The district is spending $12.6 billion on new construction and $7.7 billion
on renovating existing buildings. So far, 9 million square feet of new
school space has been delivered and when the project is completed, there
will be over 20 million square feet of new space.

"A lot of the building during the boom happened in the
Inland Empire and
this is building in
L.A. It could be that some of the people that were
working out there and lost their jobs are now working on these projects,"
said Gary Painter, director of research at the
USC Lusk Center for Real
Estate.

Painter added that studies indicate that new or substantially rehabilitated
schools in distressed neighborhoods can change the character of those
places.

"Schools can certainly be part of the fabric of the community. The sites can
be used for other services. If you look at it with a 20-year time horizon it
makes sense," he said.

The plan has already had a notable impact on small businesses that take on
work with the school district. While larger companies like Turner
Construction Co. and architects like Johnson Fain Partners get big
contracts, the impact on small businesses may be more significant.

According to the district's facilities services division, 16,575 projects of
varying degrees in size and scope have been completed at existing schools,
with about 3,500 more projects planned. And since many of the renovations to
existing schools have required a variety of small repairs and upgrades, it
often makes sense to go to small businesses to get the job done.

Since the 2003-04 fiscal year, $1.46 billion in construction contracts have
been awarded to small businesses.

"These smaller projects are a way to encourage smaller contractors," said
Guy Mehula, chief facilities executive for the district.

Kevin Ramsey, owner of Compton-based Alameda Construction Services Inc.,
does concrete work for LAUSD and has worked on about 10 schools over three
years. For Ramsey, the average job has a $150,000 price tag.

"There are local businesses up to the task so they should be sought out,"
said Ramsey, who added that work with the district has constituted about 50
percent of his business.

Bill Yang of construction management firm Yang Management of Burbank said
that his company has worked on over 200 schools since 1997. He said that
work with the district constitutes 70 percent of his business.

Complex management

But getting all this work done has not been easy. Since the program is so
large, it requires intensive and extensive management. Everything from
purchasing land for development to awarding contracts requires a significant
amount of oversight.

"We are bound by constrictions within the public contracting code, which
make things a bit more difficult," said James O'Reilly, director of
construction for the facilities services division.

The code requires that the district give contracts to low bidders who meet
the project criteria. But since 2002, LAUSD has implemented a "best value
procurement" program when it takes complex and more expensive projects to
bid.

This program allows the district to choose contractors based on the "quality
of materials, small business enterprise participation and previous
successful school construction experience." The program is allowed for under
a longstanding part of the education code.

The district maintains that big companies like Hensel Phelps Construction
Co. and PCL Constructors Inc. wouldn't work with the district without the
best value procurement program. "Five years ago people didn't want to work
for LAUSD because it had a reputation as a poor owner," O'Reilly said.
"We've worked really hard to change that."

Still, some of the real estate professionals that have worked with the
district believe that the district still presents a lot of red tape. "They
have levels of bureaucracy and checks and balances that they have to go
through, and it takes just a little bit longer because of the t's to cross
and i's to dot," said Bob Safai of Madison Partners, a commercial real
estate broker who handled the $22.5 million bankruptcy sale of the Granada
Hills Community Hospital development site to the district in 2004.

And every delay costs money. A lethal combination of heavy global demand for
materials and several natural disasters, including Hurricane Katrina, has
made construction considerably more costly.

These days, it costs around $500 per foot to build a school, and sometimes
more. Van Ginkel said projects that were put out to bid in 2002 and 2003
cost about $200 per square foot to build.

Ramsey said that costs for concrete, for example, are up from about $70 per
yard to $100 per yard - and those increases are being passed along to the
district.

While a 150 percent increase in construction costs is nothing to sniff at, a
decline in enrollment could lessen the blow. The district serves about
695,000 students, which is down from an all-time high of about 750,000 five
years ago.

Enrollment declines have been chalked up to a variety of factors, including
lower birth rates and the subprime boom, which allowed some lower-income
families that had been renters to pursue homeownership by moving out of
state or to areas like the Inland Empire.

But the birthrate decline is over, according to Van Ginkel, and anecdotal
information suggests that some of the families that left the area with
subprime loans in tow have now lost their homes in the ensuing meltdown and
are moving back.

Bigger questions

Still, there is a concern in some circles that the district has mismanaged
the program on a larger level. Detractors chiefly cite fund allocation and
the design of new schools as flaws in the massive program.

"They took a very limited definition of the task, which was build more seats
and get the kids off the buses," said David Abel, chairman of New Schools
Better Neighborhoods, a non-profit organization that advocates for schools
as community centers. "They missed out on things that could've been done
with that $20 billion - making schools the anchor in the inner-city
neighborhood."

Abel contends the large schools the district is building create "anonymity,"
so that there aren't "cultural connections and we don't get the results we
want." And because communities are starving for new classrooms, they often
are willing to accept flawed schools, though community groups have sued to
stop some of the new schools.

"(The district) waits until the very end and they present the solution and
you get to pick the color and you can't change a damn thing or you'll blow
another three years," Abel said. "Faced with those choices, you go with
them."

Meanwhile, some critics are seizing on the decline in enrollment to hold up
some construction. In
Echo Park, a long legal battle has been waged over a
proposed $59 million elementary school. The opponents say enrollment
declines at nearby
Rosemont Elementary School make it unnecessary.

For his part, Mehula said that detractors of the building program should
take another look at the size of the schools and the way they work within
communities, noting they are open beyond school hours.

"The buildings that we are building are smaller than the existing schools,"
he said. "All the secondary schools are breaking the schools into small
learning centers. We are able to get that personalized learning experience."


Soboroff, who was on a committee that oversaw spending on the first $2.4
billion bond measure in 1997, said he believes the district has come a long
way in its management of the program - and is delivering real results to
communities.

"It's like an Olympic dive - it's not just your dive, it's the degree of
difficulty. The degree of difficultly here is off the charts," Soboroff
said. "Based on the realities of everybody wants schools but nobody wants a
school across the street, the degree of difficulty is huge and the product
they are turning out is world class."

_____


BELMONT SCHOOL, AMBASSADOR SITE TEACH HARD LESSONS
by Howard Fine | Los Angeles Business Journal Staff

1/28/2008 - Few school projects have had as long, tortuous and costly a history as the
Belmont Learning Center and the Ambassador Hotel site, the two largest and
most expensive projects in the district's massive expansion program.

Despite grave overcrowding in surrounding neighborhoods, each project has
dragged on more than 15 years and each will cost the district - and by
extension taxpayers - more than $375 million when complete.

"These are two of the most overcrowded areas in the entire region and it's a
downright shame that the kids have missed out on quality classrooms for so
many years," said Guy Mehula, facilities chief for the district.

These projects also took a political toll. Mismanagement surrounding the
Belmont venture cost several school board members their seats and led to a
perception that district administrators were incompetent. And the protracted
legal battles over the Ambassador site strained relations with some civic
leaders and historic preservationists.

Now, though, the
Belmont site, since renamed Vista Hermosa Learning Center,
is set to open in September, while the last legal barrier to the Ambassador
project just fell weeks ago and three schools there are slated to open in
2009 and 2010.

The
Belmont project was mismanaged from the start in 1988 with an original
plan for a massive high school and a retail complex. However, nothing on
this scale had ever been attempted by the district and costs began to
skyrocket, passing $150 million and making it the nation's costliest school
project.

Crucially, district administrators failed to account for the building atop a
well-known abandoned oil field, where methane and hydrogen sulfide gas posed
a threat of seepage or explosion. In 1998, the state stepped in, halted
construction and began an investigation.

The resulting scandal fed into perceptions that district administrators were
incompetent, a sentiment tapped by then-Mayor Richard Riordan when he
recruited a slate of candidates who were elected to the school board. The
slate halted work on the project, leaving a half-built, $172 million campus.


Three years later then-Superintendent
Roy Romer sought to resume work with a
new layout: small clusters of schools surrounded by open space and a
scaled-back retail component. But within weeks of board approval, an active
earthquake fault was discovered passing through the site, forcing relocation
of some of the buildings. Construction finally resumed in 2003, but soaring
materials costs caused the budget to double to $200 million. Late last year,
the district dropped the retail component altogether in favor of a training
center. The project is on schedule for its September opening with the
cluster of schools housing 2,800 students.

From the
Belmont fiasco the district learned two key lessons: building
smaller schools and the importance of hiring building industry managers to
lead school construction.

The Ambassador project faced a more common construction nemesis: lawsuits.
In 1988, the hotel closed after falling on hard times, and a year later real
estate mogul Donald Trump bought the 23-acre site for $63 million. Trump
proposed a 125-story tower, which would have been the tallest building in
the U.S.

But the school district decided it wanted a school there to relieve
overcrowding, and in 1990 put a $48 million bid on the site. It asserted
eminent domain and won a 10-year court battle.

However, a plan to tear down the hotel and build three schools ruffled
preservationists who filed suit to prevent the demolition of the historic
hotel. In 2005, a settlement was reached: In exchange for permission to tear
down most of the hotel, the district set up a $5 million fund for the
preservation of other historic school buildings. It also pledged to
incorporate as many features of the hotel as possible into the schools.

An elementary school broke ground last May and is set for completion in
September 2009. Work began last month on the $320 million second phase, a
middle school and high school that are expected to be finished in 2010.

"Persistence was the key lesson," said Mehula, of the Ambassador experience.




DISTRICT PULLS HIGH-WIRE ACT WITH DOWNTOWN PERFORMING ARTS SCHOOL
by Richard Clough | Los Angeles Business Journal Staff

1/28/2008 - Along a bustling stretch of downtown's North Grand Avenue that is home to
the likes of the Walt Disney Concert Hall and Dorothy Chandler Pavilion, a
public high school is set to join the ranks of the area's highly-regarded
arts venues.

The
Los Angeles Unified School District's flagship $208 million visual and
performing arts high school is expected to be completed later this year, and
its bold, futuristic design is already turning heads along
Grand Avenue.

Jutting, angular buildings of glass and concrete and steel populate the
campus, while a large spiraling steel structure and a peculiar, conical
library highlight the daring design decisions.

"It's a very, very complex construction," said Rick Hijazi, the senior
project manager on the development. "It's a completely different design than
regular high schools we build."

But it has been a struggle of more than half a decade for the school
district and its supporters to bring the costly and sometimes controversial
project to life.

Planners did not always envision an arts school at that site. In fact, the
school district generated controversy in 2002 when it scrapped its plans to
build a traditional high school in favor of an arts campus. Critics
questioned the influence of billionaire philanthropist and noted arts
supporter Eli Broad.

Broad has backed the effort to revive the Grand Avenue area with a massive
redevelopment project and was a vocal proponent of the arts high school,
donating several million dollars to help pay for the school's construction
costs.

Roy Romer, then the district superintendent and an ally of Broad, was a
strong supporter of the project.

"We felt that we needed an arts high school in the center of the city and we
felt that we needed a leading arts institution," said Romer, now chairman of
Strong American Schools, a nonprofit organization supported financially by
the Eli and Edythe Broad Foundation.

Rising costs

The bloated price tag was another point of contention that divided the Los
Angeles Board of Education in 2006 and threatened to derail the project.

Construction was initially slated to cost $87 million - a figure that soon
jumped to $117 million. Then it ballooned to $172 million, heightening
concerns. And with more than $30 million already spent or committed to
related expenses, the school topped the $200 million mark.

Romer said at the time that with rising construction costs, developing a new
proposal would likely have wiped out any additional savings for the school
district. So despite misgivings, the board approved the project in June 2006
by a 5-1 vote.

Since then, the district has been supportive of the project and construction
has remained on schedule, said Gary Gidcumb, associate principal with
Ontario-based HMC Architects, which designed the school along with an
Austrian firm. The school is slated to open in October.

And as it takes shape, the school is winning support from many who see it up
close.

"It's a pretty nice project. It makes you wish you were back in school,"
said Daynard Tullis, a consultant with Los Angeles-based TBI & Associates
Inc., which is overseeing construction.

The school district plans to divide the school into four "small learning
communities" that will allow students to specialize in a specific area of
the arts: music, dance, visual art or performance. To that end, the school
will feature specialized classrooms, some with advanced acoustics for
musicians and others with mirrors and raised floors for dancers, for
example.

One challenge has been the logistics of constructing six complex structures
on such a small site. At just 10.3 acres, the site is only about a quarter
of the size of a typical high school campus, but it will have over 1,700
students. Beyond the sheer size, each building is highly specialized, with
features such as irregular windows, perforated metal accents and a system of
day lighting to keep energy costs down.

What's more, the campus will have a 950-seat theater that will be open to
the public, which planners like to point out is bigger than several venues
in the area.

"It is very tied to the arts community down there," Gidcumb said.
"Architecturally it is, I think, very much in keeping with the
Grand Avenue
master scheme."

_____

Ambassador Schools Cost Soars to $566 Million: LAUSD Officials Attribute Price Increase To Inflation, Cost of Materials

by Richard Guzmán | LA Downtown News

2/11/08 - The construction budget for the Central Los Angeles New Learning Center No. 1, also known as the Ambassador Hotel school project, has skyrocketed from a projected $235 million six years ago to $380 million.

Construction continues on the LAUSD complex at the site of the former Ambassador Hotel. The first of three schools is scheduled to open to students in fall 2009. Photo by Gary Leonard.

Coupled with fees for designs, environmental tests, inspections and other matters, the total price tag comes in at a whopping $566 million, making it the most expensive project on the LAUSD's roster of new construction. It is scheduled to begin serving students next year.

Despite costing more than a half-billion dollars, LAUSD officials say the project, which will contain more than 4,500 seats, is under control. The $145 million construction increase from six years ago stems from the same inflation and rising materials costs - especially steel and wood - that caused other development budgets to soar.

"It's certainly one of our biggest, and you have to put it in perspective because it is three schools," said Shannon Haber, a spokeswoman for the LAUSD.

Project Manager John Kuprenas said considering the scope of the project, the costs are reasonable.

"We're building 684,944 square feet of classrooms, administrative space and schools, so when you look at that on a square-foot basis, we're only at about $565 a square foot, which is a tremendous figure," Kuprenas said. "We're building three schools in one 24-acre parcel of land."

The Wilshire Boulevard project calls for a 1,050-seat school for kindergarten through third graders, a 1,000-seat school for fourth through eighth grade students and a 2,474-seat high school. The campus will also include two gymnasiums, a swimming pool, a soccer field and other athletic facilities, as well as a 522-seat auditorium and a one-third acre public park and art installation honoring Sen. Robert F. Kennedy.
Completion of the elementary school is scheduled for spring 2009 with classes starting in the fall; the other two schools should open by spring 2010, with classes starting that fall, Haber said.

Legal Disputes

Located just west of Downtown, the Ambassador Hotel opened in 1921 and helped spur the development of Wilshire Boulevard. It hosted six Academy Awards and every president from Hoover to Nixon, and drew Hollywood's elite. It closed in 1989 after falling on hard financial times.

The school project had a history of trouble, including a legal tangle with Donald Trump over acquiring the rights to the site.

The project had an original total budget of $341 million. It was delayed for years due to a legal dispute with the Los Angeles Conservancy and other preservation groups over how to convert the Ambassador Hotel complex, where presidential candidate Sen. Robert F. Kennedy was assassinated in 1968. Preservation groups also wanted to save the famed Cocoanut Grove nightclub.

The lawsuit with the Conservancy was settled in 2005 when, in exchange for being allowed to demolish the hotel, the LAUSD agreed to pay $4.9 million to establish the nonprofit Historic Schools Investment Fund, which provides an endowment to preserve historic schools within the district.

A second lawsuit over the demolition of the Cocoanut Grove building was dropped early this year after the District agreed to pay another $4 million into the fund.
Since the District had set aside $15 million to include historic items in the construction of the schools, which it used to settle the lawsuits, the litigation did not impact the project's total budget, Kuprenas said.

The rise in the budget was expected, he added.

"We set a budget when we establish the project scope. On this project, that was established about six years ago," he said. "We don't adjust budgets until we get our construction costs, until we get the [estimates from] the contractor. We knew the construction cost was escalating, the material costs increasing. We had that in the back of our minds."

Those who have waited for a school to open at the site said the cost is worth it - even at $566 million.

"We're still overcrowded in the area and are in need of schools so that students don't continue to be bused or attend schools that are overcrowded," said Veronica Melvin, executive director of the Alliance for a Better Community, a nonprofit group that urged the District to complete the project.

"You gotta build schools, and you deal with the realities of budgets that go with it, and part of it is rising costs," she said.

Contact Richard Guzmán at richard@downtownnews.com.

Tuesday, February 12, 2008

SECURE IN THEIR STUDIES: An anti-violence effort at Markham Middle has opened a new chapter for the Watts school's students.

The right foot

Francine Orr / Los Angeles Times - Jonathan Arline, an eighth-grader at Markham Middle School, admires his new sneakers. All students at the school have been given identical shoes, as well as uniforms, as part of a push to improve safety at the violence-prone campus.

by Howard Blume, Los Angeles Times Staff Writer
February 11, 2008

All of a sudden, Markham Middle School, a habitually violence-plagued campus that sits amid seven street gangs, can boast of some surprisingly homey touches: a washer and dryer to clean students' clothing; new furniture in the teacher lounges and the police office; board games and foosball for students in the multipurpose room.
And the students -- all 1,600 -- are wearing coordinated uniforms with new, matching white sneakers. They're wearing the shoes to play basketball during lunchtime, which used to be marred by constant fights.

Shoe-in

Shoe-in

click to enlarge

Map

Such changes, and others big and small, are substantially the work of Michelle McGinnis, a persistent substitute teacher turned prosecutor who decided that something more than law enforcement was needed at the Watts campus.

"We set out to create a safer campus," said McGinnis, who is on special assignment from City Atty. Rocky Delgadillo. "That has meant creating a more functional school."
By nearly all accounts, the school became notably more secure after McGinnis united government agencies, private groups and community members behind her effort. It's far too early to know if such measures will improve the school's dismal test scores.

"Security is an early step in boosting a school's academics, an essential prerequisite," said Pedro Noguera, a sociology professor at New York University who has long studied urban reform. "Students can't learn and teachers can't teach in an atmosphere where they're afraid. Once you establish an orderly environment, it's easier to address conditions for teaching and learning," including attracting and keeping quality teachers, he said.

Second-year Principal Verna Stroud and her staff are determined to capitalize on the improved security; they meet regularly to pore over data and develop an academic turnaround strategy.

The Los Angeles Unified School District "cannot do it alone," Delgadillo said. "We cannot do it alone either. But it feels like there's something of a tipping point here, and the fulcrum is public safety."

Markham, in fact, has become a hopeful model for the sort of all-embracing community approach to school reform championed by L.A. schools Supt. David L. Brewer. And it's exactly the concept advocated, too, by Mayor Antonio Villaraigosa, whose reform "partnership" will take over at Markham and five other schools July 1.

Before McGinnis arrived a year ago, the city attorney's office already was running its "Scared Straight"-style anti-truancy program. But its efforts were hindered by the widespread feeling that Markham simply wasn't safe.

Last year, for example, the school suspended 278 students for "attempted physical harm," 196 for defiance, 19 for assaults against staff, 14 related to theft or robbery, nine for sexual harassment and six for marijuana possession.

Markham is surrounded by four low-income housing projects, with the residents of each hostile to those of the others -- a reality that is difficult to keep outside.

The initial returns on the security push are mixed. The number of students arrested has dropped 19% this year for such crimes as assaults, threats, robberies and vandalism. But so far, total suspensions are running ahead of last year.

Stroud attributes that to four additional counselors she hired. They're addressing problems faster, but, she said, they need to master more progressive discipline techniques.

Punishing or removing troublemakers -- on and off campus -- was partly the prescription, but to do more than tamp things down, McGinnis figured she couldn't labor alone. The nonprofit service group City Year currently donates 40 hours a week to lead sports and table games to fill free time during school days. The school gets additional help from city recreation staffers, normally based in the projects, who go to campus. Anti-gang workers -- some paid, some volunteer -- have arrived as escorts to and from school.

More than $300,000 in donations paid for 71 computers, library materials, uniforms, shoes and two bungalows for the first Boys & Girls Club on an L.A. Unified campus. It's one of several after-school programs among expanded offerings that have pushed daily participation from more than 100 students to close to 200.

Staff teamwork was evident recently at one of a series of periodic meetings during which McGinnis reviews "incidents" with administrators, police, a probation officer, anti-gang workers, recreation directors and counselors.

Before having such meetings, "everyone was doing their job, but there was no collaboration," McGinnis said.

One student's name came up several times -- once for acting as a lookout for older gang members who had planned to jump a Jordan High student.

"I told him, 'I'm not here to get you in trouble but to keep you out of trouble,' " said gang intervention specialist Reginald Sims.

Assistant Principal Kenyatta Steiger had discovered that the student sings in a gospel choir on Sundays: "His mother couldn't believe how he was representing himself."
Salvaging this student would be a challenge, but at least his mother is an ally.
In contrast, some families have multi-generational gang ties. Officers have had to break up fights on school grounds between parents called in because their children were battling.

To break down territorialism, sports teams for the in-school activities are chosen by homeroom, forcing students from rival housing projects together as teammates.
McGinnis also organized a one-week day camp last year that included sessions at the Museum of Tolerance and a trust-building "adventure" in Culver City, in which students had to bridge racial divides to complete obstacle-course challenges.
Terrell Singleton, 13, said he feels safer.

"It's cool to have more support in school," he said. "We have more people coming to help."

He was thrilled to try on the new sneakers, distributed last month.

"You have dirty shoes and people will joke on you," Terrell said. "And now they can't joke on your shoes because they're new, and they got them on too."

McGinnis arranged for each student to get two free uniforms, and Stroud summoned the parents of those who didn't wear them. Some families resisted, saying it was hard to keep uniforms clean. That's what prompted McGinnis to bring in the washer and dryer.

"Michelle gets things done -- whether she has to use a boot or finesse," said school police Officer Carl Loos.

These days, Loos' modest office features new windows and paint, a new computer, desks and refrigerator. It's become a magnet, he said, for officers looking for a place to write a report or for respite.

The sprucing up has extended to computer labs for students and to two teacher lounges.

"If you don't feed the teachers, they eat the students," McGinnis said matter-of-factly. In the lounges, she also hung a poster of faculty members who had accompanied her on a tour of the housing projects to get to know school families.
The mission resonates for McGinnis, an L.A. native. Her mother, Maxene McGinnis, ran the Jacqueline Home for Girls, raising 210 wayward youths in trouble for using drugs or committing crimes.

"They came to her as neglected, mistreated children," McGinnis said. "She looked at them through the lens of whom they had the potential to be." Maxene McGinnis died in November at 81.

The Markham experience also takes Michelle McGinnis, 37, full circle to three years as a long-term substitute teacher paying her way through law school at the University of West Los Angeles after graduating from UCLA with a degree in political science.

She was prosecuting drunk drivers and vehicular manslaughter cases when headquarters unexpectedly summoned her because of her background and teaching credential.

"This effort for me brings together two careers," McGinnis said.
Like her mother, she said, she has difficulty giving up on a child. Perhaps half the troubled youth targeted are now on a better track, according to staff estimates. About 25 others departed Markham unchanged .

Meanwhile, Jonathan Arline, a studious 13-year-old, said he isn't ready to let his guard down.

"I think someone's going to come from behind and hit me," he said.
"That's why I turn around every 30 seconds."


Markham school contributors

t
by Howard Blume, Los Angeles Times Staff Writer
February 11, 2008
Listed below are contributors and the nature of their contributions to the effort to improve Markham Middle School, with an approximate dollar value where known.

  • Los Angeles Unified ($300,000+) - ID cards for parents/students; after-school programs; day camp on trust building and tolerance
  • California Community Foundation ($218,300) - Bungalows for after-school program; portion of day camp; upgrades to security office, teacher lounges, computer lab; washer/drier; security cameras
  • City Attorney's Office ($120,000+) - Provided safety specialist-prosecutor; convened safety committee; provided speakers, mentors; coordinated donations
  • Majestic Realty Foundation ($34,602) - School uniforms
  • American Sporting Goods ($10,000) - Sneakers
  • Jewish Federation ($4,400) - Library materials
  • Los Angeles Police - 20+ hours per week
  • School Police - Two full-time officers; some additional undercover support
  • City Year - 40 hours leading activities during school such as lunchtime basketball
  • Recreations and Parks Department - Lunchtime sports program
  • Intermix - 71 computers
  • Hathaway–Sycamores - Referrals for grief counseling

Source: Times reporting


THE MYTH OF CHARTER SCHOOL SUCCESS: Philanthropists say their donations help create a winning system; two professors say the game is rigged - LA Times Online

 NOTE: The Times publishes Eli Broad's opinion on the Op-Ed page, regurgitates it (and then some) in their own editorial - and relegates the response to the online edition.

 

By Walter P. Coombs and Ralph E. Shaffer
February 12, 2008

Critics of public education have argued for years that throwing money at public schools doesn't solve the "education crisis." Now come Eli Broad (who revealed his formula for charter school "success" last week), Bill Gates, the Annenbergs, Hunts, Waltons and other billionaires who willingly pour vast sums of money into "public" education provided they can designate where it goes and how it will be used.

Apparently, throwing money at the schools is acceptable if you get to call the shots.
In the last decade, conservative philanthropists have given hundreds of millions of dollars to establish their own agendas. The most recent announcement, January's grant of a paltry $23 million by Broad, was typical of this modern philanthropy. Instead of truly aiding public education, Broad chose to subsidize several privately operated charter school conglomerates in the Los Angeles area.

Principal beneficiaries of his largess were the highly-regimented KIPP schools and the misnamed Aspire Public Schools. The only thing public about either system is that they are supported by California taxpayers. Broad's grant is but a fraction of the amount given to these schools by the state.


Typical charter schools such as Green Dot, which Broad also subsidizes with what are probably tax-deductible gifts, are privately controlled and run by unelected, self-appointed boards that are effectively unaccountable to the public. The State Board of Education and the state agency that "oversees" charters are now dominated by pro-charter appointees.


KIPP, Aspire and Green Dot have "succeeded" because a relatively small number of motivated parents and students have voluntarily withdrawn from the Los Angeles Unified School District, believing that the district has not coped with the massive problems facing public education in urban California today.


From the day the Supreme Court ruled that schools must end segregation, including the de facto system in California's urban schools, a steady flow of white children left our public schools. Forced busing dramatically escalated that. Education-oriented parents who might have kept the schools on their toes no longer had any interest in the public schools, as their children were now attending private institutions.
Simultaneously, the percentage of nonnative students enrolled in the public schools skyrocketed. Many had extremely limited English language skills and their parents often could not speak English at all. That's a recipe for educational disaster.


KIPP, Aspire and Green Dot don't face that problem. Through what amounts to a contract with parents and students, they screen their applicants and admit a clientele that, in a traditional public school, would do as well or better than they are doing in the charter school.


If Broad's pet charters had to accept 3,000 limited-English, low-income students from ethnic backgrounds that include a high percentage of single-parent families, with widespread gang involvement and little commitment to education, scores that the charters now trumpet would fall significantly. But working with a select group of students who would score well at any school, Broad's charters garner only somewhat better-than-average test scores - despite the massive amount of public and private money poured into them.


Charters claim that their schools score far better than traditional public schools serving similar students. That's not true. The students at Locke or any of the other at-risk high schools in LAUSD are not "similar students" when compared to those who have left the public schools and moved to the charters. What Broad, Green Dot and the others do not reveal is the scores of those charter students when they were in regular public schools. It's our belief that those students were already outscoring their fellow students in the traditional schools before they moved into charters. Low-scoring students do not enroll in Broad's charters. His charters have skimmed off the education-oriented kids who otherwise would be raising test scores for traditional public schools.


We challenge Broad or any of his fellow privateers to fund a demonstration project within the conventional public schools. Let LAUSD administrators and faculty develop an experimental public school for all types of students, giving the teachers the opportunity to develop an initiative on their own consistent with traditional educational values.


Walter P. Coombs and Ralph E. Shaffer are professors emeriti at Cal Poly Pomona.

Dust Up Day 1: WHAT IF STUDENTS WANT OUT? - Los Angeles Times Online

Does the Los Angeles Unified School District provide enough choices for its customers? How can the district make it as easy as possible for students to exit failing schools and attend successful schools? Lisa Snell and David Tokofsky debate.

February 11, 2008

Today, Snell and Tokofsky weigh options for L.A. Unified students enrolled in low-performing schools. Later in the week, they'll discuss vouchers, breaking up the school district and more.

Make schools compete for students

By Lisa Snell

To answer the question, let's consider how the Los Angeles Unified School District serves its customers. Overall, L.A. Unified has seen improved test scores districtwide, especially in early grades. Yet this has not been true for every school. Many schools do not meet even the minimum requirements of basic academic achievement for their students. Consider Evelyn Thurman Gratts Elementary School in Los Angeles. In 2007, 13% of second-graders and 8% of third-graders were proficient in reading. Students at schools like Gratts need to have an exit available to higher-quality schools. At elementary, middle and high schools with poor academic records, L.A. Unified has not provided customers with real alternatives to low-performing public schools.
The current demand for choice also demonstrates the desperation of many students to exit Los Angeles public schools. Local charter schools have long waiting lists and must hold knuckle-biting emotional lotteries to determine which students get a golden ticket. Similarly, Los Angeles magnet schools represent a frantic system of savvy parents vying for too few spots in higher-performing schools.
L.A. Unified doesn't have to continue to subject students to low-performing schools.
First, L.A. Unified should consider taking a page from New York City and adopt a "fair student funding" approach to schools. In this model, public-school dollars are attached to children, and public schools compete for the dollars and enrollment. Children are free to enroll in any public school in the district. Principals have real control over their budgets and discretion over how funds are spent within their individual schools.
In New York, principals now control close to 90% of student dollars. Public schools that continue to fail students are closed or taken over by higher-performing schools within the district. Under this type of school empowerment program, a principal at a school like Gratts elementary, where 76% of students are English language learners, would be free to spend school resources on more intensive programs for English language learners. In San Francisco, which has a school empowerment program similar to New York's, several elementary schools have built their reputations on helping English learners become proficient in reading and language arts.
Second, L.A. Unified should encourage new school capacity in neighborhoods with low-performing schools by continuing to support and replicate high-quality charter schools. It should consider allowing charter schools to operate the district's lowest performing schools in the respective campuses' current facilities. Charter schools should be invited to help improve these chronic low-performers.
Finally, L.A. Unified should take advantage of private school capacity and offer students in low-performing schools Pell Grant scholarships to attend any Los Angeles private school with enough capacity. A 2007 report from the National Bureau of Economic Research, "Feeling the Florida Heat? How Low Performing Schools Respond to Voucher and Accountability Pressure," found that schools faced with pressure from Florida's voucher program changed their instructional practices in meaningful ways. These changes led to improvements in public schools' test scores.
L.A. Unified needs more choice — more public school choice, more charter schools and a basic right of exit to any public, public charter or private school.
Lisa Snell is director of education and child welfare at the Reason Foundation, a nonprofit think tank advancing free minds and free markets.


L.A. isn't New York or San Francisco

By David Tokofsky

Lisa is absolutely right that L.A. Unified has more choices for parents than other districts in California and perhaps even the United States. In fact, L.A. Unified — with roughly 100-plus magnet and 100-plus charter schools, and other options such as No Child Left Behind transfers, Schools for Advanced Studies and the Permit With Transfer program — ends up with more students, both as a percentage of the district and in raw numbers, choosing other than their neighborhood schools than Long Beach, San Diego, Chicago or Boston public schools. San Francisco and New York pale in comparison to L.A. Unified.
In fact, students in L.A. Unified have so many options that The Times' great series on dropouts in 2006 found that rather than most of them disappearing onto the streets like they do in other districts such as New York and Chicago, the students reappear in a veritable plethora of high school options schools. These include continuation and adult schools, independent study and non-traditional small settings such as Community Day Schools. It is indeed a "Blithdale Romance," as Nathaniel Hawthorne called the utopian village of Brook Fram, to criticize L.A. Unified for a lack of choices.
Citing New York school revolutions, charming Chinese dual-language programs in San Francisco, weighted funding formulas instead of more funds for schools, and ultimately ivory-tower visions of vouchers, distracts us and the thinkers of the Reason Foundation from the more fundamental work needed to improve Los Angeles' city schools. New York is not Los Angeles. Foundation-funded solutions for a few fancy schools in New York do not breed success here in Los Angeles. We in Los Angeles have tried to imitate others to no avail in the past, as we chased Miami-Dade in 1980s, Seattle and Ohio districts in the '90s and are now held up to New York.
I have visited these districts and in particular find New York's public schools disturbingly unsound. As a parent and award-winning urban teacher, I found a comprehensive high school in Brooklyn, far from the Manhattan projects of the dreamers, still with a police substation with more than 20 officers. The curriculum across the district was a Maoist's dream of a thousand flowers blooming: inequitable from borough to borough and neighborhood to neighborhood. No wonder the proud New York Mayor Michael Bloomberg could only take the aspiring L.A. Mayor Antonio Villaraigosa to visit a school he defined as a success: Park Slope Elementary, a school in a gentrified neighborhood with homes valued upward of $2 million. The photo opportunity did not mask the Potemkin Village of politics.
I have toured the immigrant "success or model" schools of New York's reforms. They do not parallel the hard demographics of Los Angeles' poverty and population, nor do they show the progress L.A. Unified has made, as Lisa cites, in elementary scores. I am glad Lisa used Gratts as her extreme from which students and parents must escape. Gratts gives us data from which to reflect honestly about the shortcomings as well as progress for L.A. Unified. Lisa writes that only 13% of second graders are proficient in reading at this Ellis Island elementary school. By fifth grade, students at this school of the poorest immigrants in America move (with about one-third less school funding than New York) from the 13% Lisa cited as proficient to 24% proficient, or University of California pathway. An additional 32% of fifth graders read at the basic level, totaling 56% of Gratts children at least moving dramatically toward our four-year UC system pathways. Isn't it unreasonable to call that a failure, low performing or "abysmal"? If I could lose half the weight I wanted to, I hope that President Bush wouldn't call me a failure under the No Child Left Behind Act. Some of the charter schools nearby do not progress at that rate.
Kicking L.A. Unified's work and calling for charters everywhere does not allow us to look at the numbers and progress honestly and decide what really matters for students' learning.
In the week ahead, I hope our Dust-Up can be less polemical and more pragmatic as to what matters for teachers and kids to learn. The Times can help by documenting more successes here locally both in and around L.A. Unified so that we can replicate our local successes from traditional public schools to magnets and charters rather than transplanting ideas from far away.
We will need to realize that more funding matters — and stable funding matters too. Ask any parent who is paying nearly $30,000 a year at Harvard Westlake or the Brentwood School for their kids' education. Ask any superintendent being asked to cut 10 to 15% of their budget to meet Sacramento's funding drought. We will need to encourage more risk-taking by teachers and administrators, but base the risk-taking on accountable plans in addition to any charismatic site educators.
And above all, we need to expect more work from students, teachers and parents rather than thinking that the Earth is flat and the status quo is OK. We will need to be more competitive, demanding and, as the teachers say, "rigorous and relevant" if our schools are going to move empirically faster toward our expectations and ideals for our children.
David Tokofsky was an L.A. Board of Education member for 12 years. Before that, he taught social studies and Spanish at John Marshall High School for 12 years.

Sunday, February 10, 2008

THE EXPLODING STAR

from the Associated Administrators of Los Angeles Update Newsletter for the week of February 4, 2008

AALA is concerned that LAUSD is becoming an exploding star of change what with partnerships, high-priority schools, quasi-charters and the like. While change is inevitable and sometimes even positive for students, our concern is centered more on the District's hit and miss approach to change. It is almost as if a star is exploding with pieces flying off into space in all directions with no rhyme or reason. Eventually the space that the exploding star once occupied becomes a void.

For years, some proponents of change have advocated the breaking up of the District into smaller entities, which would be replicas of the current District and resemble adjacent school districts in size. Over the years, however, the powers that be have successfully fought off this challenge as unwise, unsound and illegal.

Now, with the advent of many new forms of local school control, it looks like the breakup will be achieved not through political division, but rather by an ill-planned, piecemeal fragmentation. With every school opting to do its own thing, there is no need for any centralized control, including even a school board. Why would a school that is running on its own need a controlling body? If this sounds familiar, think charters. Yet, even charters must have a board of trustees that makes decisions in public.

AALA hopes that the school board looks far enough into the future to see the unintended consequences of its actions. This is not to say that breakup may not be desirable, it just might be. However, if LAUSD is to become an exploding star of disparate pieces, at least describe it as the vision for the District. AALA members along with all employees and the general public have the right to know the intentions of the Superintendent and the Board of Education. Is LAUSD a universe with gravitational connections or a collection of rocks hurtling through space? Will the fragmented pieces and the hole in space that is left behind have more brilliance and energy than the body it replaced? We think not! As long as politicians in Sacramento are calling the educational shots, size is power to fight for the children LAUSD serves.

Saturday, February 09, 2008

TECHNOLOGY'S GREATER ROLE IN EDUCATION

Forbes.com
Commentary
John Chambers


Technology hasn't simply changed the way we obtain and share information; it has changed the very nature of what we need to know in order to be effective. Traditional education has been built on the basic premise that information is scarce. But with the first phase of the Internet, information became anything but scarce.

01.23.08, 6:00 PM ET — Many agree that technology should play a greater role in our education system.

Educators, governments and businesses understand technology's role in preparing our next-generation workforce and the importance of competing in a borderless digital world. We cannot underestimate the impact that a level playing field has in education, the local economy, job creation and a country's competitiveness.

However, if today's "flat world" means that a student in Jordan or Budapest, Hungary, or the Gangsu province of China has the same educational opportunities as a student in Palo Alto, Calif., are we truly prepared for what the future of education looks like?

I believe that many don't fully understand the impact or the extent of the role technology will play in the future. I also believe that the real question is whether we will be prepared when it becomes clear. We call this catching a market transition. A market transition is something you need to anticipate three to five or seven years from now. It is no different in education. If we don't anticipate the future now and the key role new technologies will play, we will be left behind.

For some in the educational community, technology is simply one more thing to consider on the long list of priorities. For others, it is a tool for streamlining and improving traditional teaching methods. But in order for us to make a real impact, we are going to have to have the courage to break patterns and approach this in an entirely different way. We might even need to explore some things that make us uncomfortable. The truth is that the next-generation student will drive technologies into schools, just as the next-generation workforce is driving them into business.

Collaborative technologies are one example of how we can affect teaching and learning. These technologies allow new forms of interacting and enable access to information and people instantly. If used correctly, collaborative technologies can provide an entirely new approach to how we teach and how we learn. These skills are what employers will look for in the future: the ability to creatively group-think, and collaborate.

Technology hasn't simply changed the way we obtain and share information; it has changed the very nature of what we need to know in order to be effective. In recent decades, our global educational infrastructure has not evolved to address the unbelievable speed of change that technology and the Internet is driving.

Traditional education has been built on the basic premise that information is scarce. But with the first phase of the Internet, information became anything but scarce. I believe that we are now entering the next phase of the Internet, where collaboration enabled by networked Web 2.0 technologies will fuel a new era of innovation, productivity and growth over the next decade. In this next phase, where information is available in real time to any device, in any mode, it won't be the lack of information but how quickly educators and students can sort it, analyze it and use it.

What this means is we need to create a new model for how educators use, teach and interact with technology. The days of delivering computers and networking equipment to the schoolhouse are over. The new model involves us working closely with educators and students to maximize their understanding of new tools, methods and processes.

This new approach poses new challenges and can be costly. However, it can't be done without the support of the schools, municipalities, and local and state government. Investment is required, not just in technology but in the training and talent development of the educators who must prepare our students for the future.

For many years, our national commitment to education--particularly in the areas of math and science--has lagged behind what is needed to maintain and expand our global leadership in innovation. We know we are facing a transition, and we must take this opportunity to provide today's students with the tools and the thinking that is required for the future. If we miss this transition, we risk losing the innovation that has powered the past decade of economic and technological growth, and we leave an entire generation unprepared to meet and overcome the challenges they will face. In our increasingly interconnected world, the impact is far greater than what we experience here at home.

We've seen that in order for a country to be competitive and an active participant in the global economy, there must be a focus on education, infrastructure and innovation, with a tremendous role placed on supportive government. Developing global stability and prosperity is something that benefits us all.

Collaborative technologies can fundamentally transform both how we teach and learn, but we cannot do it alone. We need to know how to harness the power of the Internet and these new technologies for creating and sharing knowledge that will prepare students with the skills to compete in the 21st century.

We can only anticipate what the future of education looks like. Preparing people with the skills and technical tools they need isn't an option. It's a necessity.

John Chambers is chairman and CEO of Cisco Systems.


TALES OUT OF SCHOOL: How a pushy, Type A mother stopped reading Jonathan Kozol and learned to love the public schools




Books March 2008 Atlantic Monthly

by Sandra Tsing Loh


I am a longtime, rabid fan of Jonathan Kozol. Yea, I could show you my tower of dog-eared Kozolalia: The Shame of the Nation, Savage Inequalities, Prisoners of Silence, Illiterate America. In my mind, Kozol’s titles appear all in caps, like flaming Hebraic letters on the side of a monument. I am the sort of impressionable woman whose eyes seep tears while reading his heartrending descriptions of racial inequity in public education. Kozol doesn’t just decry what he sees as the pre-civil-rights-South level of segregation that persists to this day, the percentage of African American children in integrated schools having fallen to its lowest level since the death of Martin Luther King. For four decades, he has made visceral this tragic loss of human potential. Through his somber, exquisitely detailed accounts, I’ve watched countless poor black children begin as charmingly inquisitive and hopeful 5-year-olds, and then, as years pass, as concentric circles of chain-link fence close in, to the beat of that grim government drum, I’ve seen their once-bright spirits dim, heard their once-mellifluous questions ebb to dull monosyllables. I have ridden this roller coaster so often that at one point I took my tower of Kozols to my therapist’s office and despairingly set them on her glass coffee table, like a basket of orphaned kittens. Pfizer should develop a special antidepressant—“Zokol: for when you’ve read too much Kozol.”

In his most recent book, Letters to a Young Teacher, structured as correspondence to a first-grade teacher he visits in an inner-city Boston classroom, Kozol combines his critical observations on today’s schools with a memoir of his own experiences as a teacher. On the personal rewards of pedagogy and the private virtue of poor black urban families, he is a true believer. He urges young, idealistic white teachers—such as his pen pal—in poor black urban schools (Kozol’s world is often cast strictly in black-and-white) to go to the homes of the seemingly apathetic black parents who eschew PTA meetings. There they may replicate the experience Kozol had during his first year of teaching in 1964, in which he was fed a home-cooked meal, treated like a brother, and introduced to the poetry of Langston Hughes.

Be assured, age has not mellowed Kozol. Such poor black parents have given up, not on their children, he thunders, but on an intractable system that has yielded generations of underfunded, substandard schooling. Neglected inner-city schools have long been filthy, prison-like, and dangerously decrepit—a signature Kozol classroom moment is when a rotting window frame falls, nearly raining glass on the black schoolchildren sitting below. Now, however, he contends that government attention has made these schools even worse. Via No Child Left Behind and other draconian schemes, the underprivileged are force-marched through a nonstop schedule of high-stakes testing so they will better conform to such soulless corporate values as “proficiency” and “productivity.”

Beating up on public schools is not just our nation’s favorite blood sport, but also a favorite conversational entertainment of the well-off—like debating the most recent toothsome plot twists of Big Love—who, of course, have no dog in the fight. And who adore a tragic ending. In my Los Angeles, everyone agrees that public education is a bombed-out shell, nonnegotiable, impoverished, unaccountable, run in Spanish. I wept over Kozol’s books for years, but I myself am no freedom fighter. If I could have afforded either a $1.3 million house in La Cañada or $40,000 a year to send my two girls to a private school (that is, if we’d gotten into said school; I confess that, even though I described my older daughter as “marvelously inquisitive” when we applied, we were wait-listed) I wouldn’t waste two minutes on social justice. Let them spell cake! (Which is to say, let them spell it “kake.”) We tried to flee to the white suburbs, but we failed, and in failing, we seem to have fallen out of the middle class, because today my daughters attend public school with the urban poor.

Yes, a First World family’s initial entry into Los Angeles’s 21st-century urban public schools can be daunting. Yes, one’s uniquely American expectations of giving one’s children a better life than one had growing up can be challenged. On simple demographics alone, the landscape startles.

Among educated, up­­ward­ly aspiring English-speaking families, my neighborhood of Van Nuys—with its 99-cent stores, pupuserias, and throngs of Hispanics waiting for Godot at MTA bus stops—is considered a no-man’s-land. A study by Van Nuys High School suggests that about 80 percent of our residents are Hispanic, a substantial portion of whom are recent arrivals (although many live in apartment buildings with glamorously scrawled—if faded—British royalty–inspired monikers like “Castle Arms” or “The Windsor!”). Our eldest daughter is the only blonde in her class of 20, her grade being about one-third English-learners.

But whither the “white” people? If you’d asked me five years ago what ethnic mix in a school would feel “comfortable” for our family (my husband being white, me being a Southern California native of German-Chinese extraction), I would have guessed, if not two-thirds white, or if not half, certainly at least a third—a third whitish English-speaking children, like mine. A third with freckles, striped shirts, and lunch boxes of tuna-fish sandwiches, the totems I myself grew up with in this region in the ’60s. But, as I’ve since learned, in 21st-century Los Angeles, expecting such a relatively high percentage of pale children is statistically unrealistic. Today, the Los Angeles Unified School District is overwhelmingly Hispanic (73 percent), the remaining quarter a roiling mishmash of black, yellow, perhaps a dab of red, and white. In fact, it is less than 9 percent white, and since the technical LAUSD definition is “non-Hispanic white,” that includes children of Middle Eastern and Armenian descent. In L.A. Unified, white may actually refer to a brown-skinned Syrian Muslim English-learner.

The extent to which feeling overwhelmed by brownness and foreignness frightens the few remaining freckled and tuna-fish-laden Caucasian children in the city away from the public schools is not acknowledged and certainly not discussed. Parents cite loftier goals than white flight (“Dylan’s learning style requires a progressive educational philosophy based on Dewey/Piaget/ Independent thinking!”). Of course, rare is the pricey Westside private (now called “independent”) school that doesn’t list, as one of its top values, “honoring diversity” … even if the diversity that is honored looks like 14 white children and the son of Denzel Washington. Of course, life within Johannesburg’s ivy enclaves gnaws—well-meaning Westside friends confess their dismay at how little meaningful contact their spawn have with brown children. Theirs are world- traveling teens who have ridden the Paris Métro and the London Underground, but have never climbed onto a Los Angeles bus. The anxious solution typically involves private-school diversity committees that produce “diversity retreats” (retreats from diversity?), as in one case I heard about where a school’s seniors went on a weekend trip to Santa Barbara to watch and discuss the movie Crash.

After a fair amount of heartache, I have to admit I have given up on trying to charm white people, at least a certain NPR-listening, Bobo, chattering class of white people, back into public school. For these shrinking families, the aesthetics alone of public schools are horrifying—the chain-link fence, putty-colored bungalows, fluorescent lighting. Confessed one writer dad to me, about his son’s corner elementary (which he did not have the heart to step inside): “Even the grass made me sad.” Another white mom rejected my daughters’ school because our kindergarten wall art looked “rote.” Asians, on the other hand, tend to overlook the occasional snarl of graffiti (in our city, a way of life). What they see at Van Nuys High, for instance, with penetrating laser vision, are the math and medical magnets embedded within. Indeed, I’ve gradually become aware—via frequent newsletters—that behind those high brown walls flourishes a buzzing hive of Korean Magnet Parents. They are busily committee-meeting, Teacher Appreciation–lunching, and cata­pulting their children from Van Nuys High School directly into Harvard, Stanford, Yale, Caltech, Berkeley! Why should they spend $25,000 for each year of high school to make the Ivy League? These immigrants know how to find value!

Wild and woolly as it is, I felt this Brave New World would thrill longtime integrationist Jonathan Kozol: it’s a melting pot on a scope so vast, no one in the ’60s could have even dreamed of it. Having used my public-radio clout to arrange a colloquy with the man himself during one of his book tours, I fantasized, crazed superfan-style, about kidnapping him, whisking him off to observe my daughters’ shabby but brave 56 percent free-and-reduced-price-lunch public school. He’d throw back his weary, bespectacled head in a sudden boyish yawp of merriment when he realized what I was up to. “I loathe these junkets, anyway!” he’d exclaim. “Those New York PR people, how they pester! Let’s go SEE THE CHILDREN!” And then, soon enough, he would fall in love with our kids, our teachers, our principal, our artwork, our music, our lemon tree, our handicapped bunny, and of course, me.

But, as it turned out, there was no way I could ever have coaxed him into my beat-up Volvo. I had hoped, I suppose, for a dialogue. Here was a man passionate about public schools. And here was I, yes, merely a radio commentator useful for disseminating his message, but on the other hand, also the mother of young children who were at that very moment wielding crayons in those poor urban classrooms for which he fights. I was on the front lines! I had tales! I had information!

But the dialogue door, it seemed, had somehow closed. As I remember it, via my admittedly middle-aged hormonal memory, Kozol would not be diverted from his plan: to help segregated schoolchildren, at every stop in his tour, at all the colleges, he was going to gather hundreds of e-mail addresses, which would then be organized into a rising, unstoppable political movement of teachers, students, and social activists who would storm the White House and demand Bush halt Savage Inequalities in government funding for poor children, NOW!

“At my kids’ school,” I put in at one point, “what WE are doing is—” He barreled on with his civil-rights monologue, paying me no heed. “Mr. Kozol!” I tried again, a trifle more loudly, “At my daughters’ TITLE I LOS ANGELES SCHOOL, THE GOOD NEWS IS—” But he wasn’t interested. What we need are moral leaders! he roared mightily. This is a civil-rights issue! We need a religious leader, a prophet … thundering from the pulpit! I felt as though I’d stepped into a prehistoric jungle. I could practically hear the flap of pterodactyls overhead. I couldn’t even picture what moral authority would look like in modern-day Southern California. When I pressed him on this point, Kozol, rather lamely I thought, suggested some rabbi friend of his from one of the Beverly Hills temples, those bastions of urban-public-school support.

Parents never seem to play a dynamic role in Kozol’s solutions—although, to be fair, parents are missing from almost every public-school policy analysis. This was a group also worth addressing, wasn’t it? Particularly affluent educated parents, of a liberal social bent. Kozol himself has said that private schools “starve the public school system of the presence of well-educated, politically effective parents to fight for equity for all kids.” If anyone had a bully pulpit from which to address these folks, it was Jonathan Kozol. In such desperate times, why not go from third person to second? Why not be more aggressive, putting blame where it belonged? So I asked him: “Speaking of moral leaders, since your work is so admired by such magazines as Harper’s and The Nation, why don’t you simply exhort those readers to SEND THEIR KIDS TO PUBLIC SCHOOL? How many of those staffers’ kids are in elite privates? Talk about Shame of The Nation!”

He observed again, doggedly, that if the government RAISED EDUCATIONAL FUNDING, schools would improve and the middle class would naturally return. Ha! I’ve lost enough cocktail-party arguments to know that social change doesn’t happen until economic self-interest is at play. He then admitted—softly and tellingly—that as he himself was not a parent, parents’ personal decisions, he would not judge—What? Kozol? Not judge?

Of course Kozol underestimates the potential of parents as a tool for improving public schools. Or perhaps, after decades of his own lost cocktail-party arguments, he has simply given up on them. Instead of exploring the chaotic and the new, Kozol seems more comfortable retilling the familiar territory of his ’60s civil-rights jeremiads inhabited by only two cartoonish, archetypical kinds of parents: 1) poor, black, eternally noble, Lang­ston Hughes­–quoting parents too beaten down by the system to escape horrible schools; and 2) “savvy,” white, affluent parents who successfully connive to get their children into fabulous suburban schools, with nary a look behind them. If he were a parent and had to navigate our hardscrabble world, both the problems and the solutions might appear different to him.

The bad news in our most cosmopolitan and vibrant cities is that many middle-class people can no longer afford to live in “middle-class” school districts. The good news, if my experience is any indication, is that this could drive middle-class white children back into local poor brown schools, and they would come with parents armed with higher educations, the Internet, fiercely lofty expectations, and an ability to read and (at least vaguely) understand federal legislation. What happens to poor public schools when, God forbid, pushy middle-class, Type A, do-it-yourself PTA mothers become involved and agitate to lift up the boats, not just of their own children but, perforce, of their children’s disadvantaged classmates as well?

From the flea’s-eye view of a mother who does have a dog in the fight, here is an example:

Back in fall 2005, when my older daughter enrolled at our drab LAUSD school, I was pleasantly surprised—almost shocked (steeped in Kozolalia as I was)—to discover that it was not a blasted wasteland. While aesthetically uninspiring on the outside, inside it was a plethora of books, computers, LeapFrog pads, and the like. Title I schools, such as ours (those with a substantial portion of low-income students), are eligible for hundreds of thousands of federal dollars that affluent schools are not. Our library was stocked, litter was picked up, graffiti erased. As far as I could see, no dusty panes of glass were in danger of shattering at our feet.

Other myths circulating among my chary middle-class cohort turned out to be false. I have yet, for instance, to trip over a crack-addicted parent in the parking lot. The children arrive relatively on time and mostly having breakfasted. True, the climate is probably helped by our wide mix of ethnicities—no one group overwhelms the school, so no minority feels disenfranchised. And because of our “magnet” status, to enroll a child, one must have the shrewdness and drive necessary to procure and fill out a single-page application (the procuring bit being not quite as easy as it sounds), so those families that have done so are—at least in some way, given the relatively wide range in quality of L.A.’s magnet schools—trying to kick things up a notch.

Upon dropping off my daughter one morning, I heard a virtuosic tuba player warming up in the amphitheater; a brass quintet sent by the L.A. Music Center was giving a 90-minute morning assembly. I snuck in, and it was extraordinary—they played Copland and Mozart and Rossini. Excitedly smelling if not blood in the water, then chardonnay, I soon accumulated more information about all the free stuff the Los Angeles Unified School District has—the music teacher who comes with 65 free instruments, the arts money, and so on. In time I would learn to see the LAUSD as a giant Costco—overcrowded parking, gray lighting, mini-skyscrapers of cat litter—but replete with buried treasure. Free upright pianos in every school, for instance, serviced by LAUSD tuners. No one in my circle knew anything about this, because no one had actually had a child in a public school in years.

I admit to a bias toward high culture. Understand that I grew up the daughter of a culture-mad German mother who, when we traveled abroad, would wheedle ballet mistresses from the Kirov into giving my siblings and me private instruction (plying them, if need be, with eclairs and cigarettes), dragged us to Giselle 17 times, and forced us to take piano lessons. Our massive Southern California public high school had an orchestra, and I was expected to play Pictures at an Exhibition, The Planets, and Petrushka, even if that meant sitting a rather humiliating seventh chair out of seven violas. Although we fought all of her pushy efforts to foist her old-fashioned, haute-bourgeois culture on us, I would have to say, 40 years later, that my amateur classical musicianship is one of my greatest pleasures. And while I don’t believe in the “Mozart effect,” I do maintain that—yes, call me narrow-minded—a tween who reveals some familiarity with any classical composer, as opposed to just, say, the sound track of Hannah Montana, is sure to be on the right path. No apologies—I am a clichéd product of my Sino-Germanic box, and I want Mozart for my children!

It may also have been my desire for assimilation that made me yearn to have an orchestra in our school. I see Los Angeles public schoolchildren carrying instruments, and I feel culture and a sense of well-being returning to the land. Instead of exclusive pods of Mexicans, Guatemalans, Armenians, Filipinos, Sikhs with their topknots, Russians—kids whose mothers stand by their cars and chat among themselves in foreign tongues—I would love to think of these children in terms of their instruments—Violins! Flutes! Clarinets! And look, there goes the trombone!—playing together to produce a common language.

So I, Pushy Type A Mother, went into overdrive, working a tricky combo of cell phone, Internet, and a level of public-radio quasi-celebrity that enabled me to at least get information-seeking phone calls returned. (In the public-school world, accurate and up-to-date information is gold, and often surprisingly hard to come by.) Less exotic weapons included the “You go, girl!” permission of an open-minded school (not all are) and the ability to write standard English (helpful for laying grant-writing groundwork for overworked teachers). Our reward was a generous gift of 36 brand-new stringed instruments from the VH1 Save the Music Foundation, the only requirement being that the school provide instruction. Simple! District rules allowed us to swap our visiting LAUSD choral teacher for a visiting LAUSD instrumental teacher, and upon discovering that district policy provided instrumental instruction only for grades 3 and up, I found two brilliant violinist friends to teach grades K–2. (“Gina and Robin have played at Lincoln Center and Carnegie Hall, but their hearts are first with teaching our kindergartners.” If only I ran a private school, what money I could make!) Next, all we had to do was drum up the dollars to pay for that instruction, approximately $6,000 per year to cover two teachers teaching 120 pupils, or $50 per student. At a wealthy elementary, where a typical suggested yearly booster-club donation is $500, I would easily have been able to find 12 willing parents. At our ragtag school, by contrast, extracting $5 for a PTA membership requires a shakedown.

For many of our English-limited new-immigrant parents, the concept of a PTA itself, with its gift-wrap sales, basket raffles, and $1 Build-a-Bear tickets, is foreign. (At one assembly, a Guatemalan mother pressed a crumpled dollar into my hand and whispered in alarm, “A bear? Why is bear?”) Our parents have swum flaming rivers in the dark to flee Third World countries run by despots, but they’re terrified of smiling PTA parents waggling plaid Build-a-Bears at them and demanding 8 a.m. elections for things like “parliamentarian.” Good Lord, even Saint Patrick’s Day can be frightening! Last March, three LAPD cop cars screamed up to our school, waved in off the boulevard by an Egyptian mom who believed the green food coloring our kindergarten teacher had put into the children’s water was poison.

The funding hurdle, however, we were able to scramble over as well. The unexpected windfall came courtesy of Hasmik Avetisiyan—winged dark hair, Gucci sunglasses, gold sandals—whom I think of, at our school, as the labor boss of the Armenian mothers. Hasmik (all names and certain accessories changed—slightly—to protect the innocent) had gotten into the morning habit of calling me into her “office”—the parking lot—and hissing at me: “Basketball! We must have basketball! The boys don’t know how to play! They are pooshing each other!” In no way an impoverished, beaten-down immigrant, Hasmik is an energetic small-business entrepreneur who creates spectacular flower basket–like fantasies out of fruit. Without further ado, Hasmik dragged in the plastic hoops from Target, I crunched the district and insurance paperwork (which is in tiny, tiny English) and secured a student coach, and suddenly two dozen eager children of various colors arrived, replete with parents bearing video cameras, and each paying an AYSO soccer–sized fee of $75 for 10 weeks of after-school basketball. With the basketball money in the bank, we could pay our music teachers, and more than 100 enthusiastic children performed at a soaringly successful school concert attended by entertainment-industry executives from New York and L.A. Cue the tears, hugs, cheering, pizza. (After the concert, the Egyptian mother with the food-coloring phobia wept, crushed me to her bosom, and inexplicably snapped my photo.) Everything was so magical, our two beloved violin teachers offered to continue with a summer violin mini-program, at my house. A by-market-rates bargain price of $20 per week for small-group private lessons, which included a violin, however, drew silence. I dropped the fee to $10 per week. Still no takers. $5. Nothing. Finally I opened my arms and implored 120 formerly eager children that if they really wanted to study the violin on the weekends, their lessons would be FREE. At this point, my older daughter’s 6-year-old classmate Julia tugged on my sleeve. Julia’s Salvadoran parents both worked morning to night Saturdays and Sundays at the Panorama City swap meet, which is where this 6-year-old also spent almost every waking minute of her weekend. So her parents could not even drive her to my house.

I bent down to Julia, like Jerry Ma­­guire with his lone client. “OK, Julia! Free violin lessons! Free violin rental! At my house! And I’ll even throw in transportation— I will personally drive you … both ways!” But no—her father was still against it, because he feared that if Julia left his side for even an hour over the weekend, she might “fall in with bad people.” (Noted a comedian friend of mine: “Yeah—bad people who might force her to stand at a swap meet all day!”) Suffice it to say, I took that family “in hand”—much like a Mafia don—and Julia did play violin all summer. Her uncle drove.

So is this a story of human triumph or cultural imperialism (or, as I like to think of it, cultural evangelism)? I think back to the politically correct ’90s, when imposing Western middle-class values on disadvantaged minorities would have been viewed with horror. I think back to Jonathan Kozol’s ur–poor black family. With all due respect, what good does it do such families to give up on the educational system and keep defiantly rereading Lang­ston Hughes? In my Los Angeles, the harsh fact is that many underprivileged urban families do not live in Rousseauvian adobe villages. Certainly not all of our poor kids, but many, do indeed live in shabby apartments where books are considered unaffordable, but life revolves around an ever-flickering large-screen TV.

People used to make music together, singing in churches, playing in bands. Today, music is a commodity, marketed as an item to be possessed by individuals— “my music,” people say. The image of a listener is one person, alone, headphones on, entranced by his personal shuffle. It is now de rigueur to mock the sort of genteel suburban ’60s childhood I experienced, with its Scout songs like “This Land Is Your Land” and “Bingo Was His Name-O.” However, when the 5-year-olds in our kindergarten were asked to name a familiar tune, the one most of them recognized was from High School Musical. With today’s separation of church and tribe and home country, if public schools don’t create a common culture, Disney or Nintendo will.

That so many of L.A.’s English- speaking families are fearful of letting their children come into contact with great numbers of English-learners is ironic. The terror is that, like rockets losing heat tiles, Dylan and Taylor will drop a vocabulary word here or an SAT point there, and thus be doomed to Pitzer instead of Brown. Meanwhile, the far more vast and gloomy possibility is that most immigrant children will plunge off the college map entirely. In their isolated, maxed-out schools, they won’t master the higher-level English they need if they are to succeed. Such language acquisition could be greatly speeded via meaningful contact with native speakers, but, as the authors of Learning a New Land: Immigrant Students in American Society point out, few immigrant youngsters have “even one native English-speaking friend.”

That is, until we came along, the pushy, whitish, Type A middle-class poor! Economics has forced us to realize that we are indeed all in this together. We are compelled to play Lady Bountiful. We will bring unneeded extracurricular “enrichment” classes and speak English at them until they turn blue. We must invest in the poor urban school, not because any moral authority à la Jonathan Kozol exhorts us to, but because that school is our school. And in return, we get to be infused with the energy of hopeful immigrants ready to try anything, in a brave new land that, to them (aside from the occasional “bad person” one might encounter in a weekend violin class), itself represents optimism, resources, and a better and better future.

True integration, I think, does not result from a single grand dramatic gesture, like the march on Washington Kozol envisions. True integration evolves from daily, tiny, bridging human moments. To keep this kind of work up for weeks and months and years, there has to be a payoff like improved education for our children. If integration then means gentrification, so be it. In the end, what matters are the children, some of whom, despite reports to the contrary, are doing well.


Sandra Tsing Loh is a writer and performer whose radio commentaries appear regularly on American Public Media’s Marketplace. She can also be heard on KPCC-FM, in Pasadena, California. Her new book, Mother on Fire, will be published this year by Crown.